Ben Carson Reveals Little-Known Threat That Could Cripple America

Of the many security threats that could potentially affect the U.S. in the near future, an electromagnetic pulse attack is one with a vocal and growing group of concerned citizens sounding the warning bell.

At least one Republican presidential candidate, former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee, has raised awareness of the technology-driven threat. Shortly after announcing his intention to seek the GOP nomination, Huckabee described an EMP attack as an event that “could fry the entire electrical grid and take this country back to the Stone Age in a matter of minutes.”

Another early contender vying for the Republican nod in 2016 subsequently addressed the issue of EMPs in a recent speech. [Scroll down for video footage from that speech.]

Explaining such strikes can occur “naturally or intentionally,” Dr. Ben Carson noted that the negative effects of an electromagnetic pulse might not come from an enemy nation but from the sun.

He cited scientific studies showing an EMP emanating from the sun occurs roughly every 150 years, with the solar system currently about five years overdue for the next one. While this is one distinct possibility, Carson also acknowledged several countries are already exploring the possibility of such an attack.

“There have been mentions from North Korea, China and Russia,” he said, “about using such techniques; so, I mean, it’s not out of the questions. And what could happen, particularly with an electric grid that is outdated, that is not protected?”

As the Washington Examiner reported earlier this year, Iran has also engaged in a plot to attack the U.S. with an electromagnetic pulse. An English translation of a clandestine Iranian military guide reportedly recommends an EMP strike, prompting other U.S. officials to recommend proactive measures to deal with such a threat.

Center for Security Policy President Frank Gaffney referred to the threat as “increasingly frightening” and something that must be addressed immediately.

Does the possibility of an EMP attack concern you? Share your thoughts in the comments section below.

This post originally appeared on Western Journalism – Equipping You With The Truth

Go South, Old Man

Subtlety has never been Mike Huckabee’s strength. The former Arkansas governor, who elbowed his way onto the national political scene in 2008, owes much of his celebrity to curmudgeonly candor. In an age of electoral misdirection, with candidates cagily masking their intentions and hedging bets at every turn, Huckabee is a revelation; the onetime Baptist minister is famously (often infamously) straightforward in what he’s saying, why he’s saying it, and who he’s saying it to.

So when Huckabee in January released his latest book, God, Guns, Grits and Gravy, and then left his lucrative job at FOX News to promote it (and himself), no overthinking was required. Huckabee was not only preparing to launch a second campaign for the presidency; he was reminding Republican voters that he is more than a socially conservative preacher. He is a “proud son of the South” who can “easily relate to folks from the Midwest, Southwest, and most of rural America.” Huckabee continued in the book’s introduction: “I feel a bit more disconnected from people who have never fired a gun, never fished with a cane pole, never cooked with propane, or never changed a tire.”

If Huckabee’s first White House run was seen by Republican voters as a sermon to the religious base of the party, his campaign message this time around is an ode to the forgotten citizens of “fly-over country”—areas ignored, he argues, by the coastal media elites and professional political class of Washington. “Like a lot of Americans, I grew up in a small town far removed from the power, the money, and the influence that runs the country,” Huckabee said when launching his campaign from his humble hometown of Hope, Arkansas. “But power and money and political influence have left a lot of Americans lagging behind.”

This isn’t a re-branding exercise; Huckabee, who first gained national fame for championing the “FairTax,” has long wielded a populist message with natural appeal to rural and blue-collar voters. Yet in 2012, it fell by the wayside, partially because Huckabee was pigeonholed as the evangelical champion, but also because Southern states played little role in shaping the outcome of the primary.

This time, Huckabee will return to his roots—an approach deliberately designed to broaden his appeal and, more importantly, take advantage of a restructured Republican primary calendar that places a far greater emphasis on the very states and voters that he has spent his political career serenading. Because for the first time in the modern history of the Republican Party, the path to its presidential nomination takes an early and potentially decisive detour through the South.

As the schedule tentatively stands, following the first four nominating contests in February—Iowa, New Hampshire, South Carolina, and Nevada—the campaign speeds up with a March 1 Super Tuesday dominated by Bible Belt primaries. The calendar will not be finalized until October, but Republican officials expect that as many as six states—Texas, Georgia, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, and Arkansas—could wind up voting in a bloc. (It has been dubbed the “SEC primary” after the powerhouse football programs in the Southeastern Conference.) Even if Alabama and Mississippi fail to move their primaries up to March 1, they’re currently scheduled to vote just one week later, on March 8, along with Oklahoma. Plus, Louisiana is holding its primary March 5, giving the South enormous influence no matter how Super Tuesday shapes up.

There’s no guarantee Huckabee will still be standing after the first four contests; he’ll likely need to win either Iowa or South Carolina, or run competitively in both, to remain viable into March. But if he is, the primary swings right through Huckabee’s backyard—a reality at the core of his 2016 strategy.

“Now that we’ve fixed our calendar to have a majority of Southern states go on Super Tuesday, his message and his strategy fits the calendar really well.”–Republican National Committeeman Glenn McCall, on Mike Huckabee

“We learned in 2008 that you can’t just try to win Iowa, you can’t just try to win South Carolina. It’s a marathon not a sprint,” says Alice Stewart, a longtime member of Huckabee’s inner circle who is leading his communications team. “We know it’s not just a matter of winning one or two states right off the bat; it’s a long process of winning states and piling up delegates. And there’s definitely a game plan for winning those SEC states where he’s popular and where his views are reflective of the people there.”

Huckabee has reason to be confident. His 2008 runner-up finish came on the strength of his performance in the South. After winning Iowa, Huckabee waited more than a month for another victory. When it finally came—in West Virginia, then Tennessee, Georgia, Arkansas, Alabama, Louisiana, and Kansas—it was too little, too late. By then, his national momentum had dried up; and with more than 20 states voting on Super Tuesday that year, Huckabee’s Southern wins were offset anyway by John McCain’s triumphs in other regions of the country.

If anyone in the Republican field is positioned to take advantage of this cycle’s new primary calendar, it’s Huckabee. He may still be a long shot to win the nomination; changes to the calendar do not alter the central fact that, in 2008, he struggled mightily to attract support from nonreligious Republican voters. But Huckabee, given his strength in the South, could be competitive long into the contest and could shape the outcome of the primary in a way that few other candidates can. That’s because Huckabee, unlike some of his younger rivals with ties to the South—Ted Cruz, Rand Paul, Bobby Jindal—has spent decades building name-identification in the region and has a head start in cultivating relationships there thanks to his previous presidential bid.

“His grassroots network is still in place from 2008 in the early states—and then he’s got plenty of appeal to those Southern states,” says Glenn McCall, the Republican national committeeman from South Carolina. “Now that we’ve fixed our calendar to have a majority of Southern states go on Super Tuesday, his message and his strategy fits the calendar really well.”

That message will be heavy on biography. It already is, showing Huckabee as the Southern Republican who challenged and defeated the Democratic political machine in Arkansas, a pioneer in the ensuing transformation of the South from blue to red. “Any drunken redneck can walk into a bar and start a fight,” Huckabee says in his first campaign video this year. “A leader only starts a fight that he’s prepared to finish.”

His opposition to abortion and same-sex marriage, which played prominently in his 2008 message, is taking a backseat. Huckabee gave only a fleeting mention to social issues in his announcement speech, and it was drowned out by paeans to economic populism—railing against rising housing costs, criticizing a popular trade deal being debated in Congress, and, most notably, rejecting other Republicans’ calls for restructuring Medicare and Social Security. “If Congress wants to take away someone’s retirement,” Huckabee said in Hope, “let them end their own congressional pensions—not your Social Security!”

This tactical shift reflects an important acknowledgment by Huckabee’s tight-knit team of loyal advisers: Their candidate will not monopolize the evangelical vote this cycle. The social-conservative lane of the GOP primary is significantly more crowded than it was eight years ago, with younger candidates such as Cruz and Scott Walker (and 2012 Iowa winner Rick Santorum, among others) certain to steal from Huckabee’s base of support. That means he needs to expand his appeal and, critically, avoid being typecast as the Christian conservative candidate.

Indeed, in 2008, he lost the nonevangelical vote in every state that conducted an exit poll, save for Arkansas, where he won 41 percent of that group. That makes Huckabee’s advisers highly sensitive to the suggestion that he’s a one-trick pony. Bob Wickers, the campaign’s pollster, issued a memo two weeks before the May launch arguing that Huckabee “has a very high ceiling of support among all Republicans, not just evangelicals, according to recent public polling.” The groups that Wickers highlighted: “seniors” and “low- to middle-income voters.”

Exactly the demographic groups that dominate Republican primaries in the South.

Huckabee is seizing every chance he can get to reinforce his good-old-boy image. The night before his launch, his team hosted a group of reporters in the private dining room of a hole-in-the-wall steak house in Little Rock, adorned with deer heads and vintage Dixie memorabilia. There were tales of the golden days—Huckabee holding court in that room when he was governor, just as the Clintons had when they ran the state.

It’s all meant to demonstrate that Huckabee is a throwback, and unapologetically so. It’s meant to separate him from the Republican field, perhaps more so than any policy position. While Marco Rubio, Cruz, and Paul project an aspirational, forward-looking vision that frames the GOP as the party of the future, Huckabee is deliberately playing the everyman who is stuck in the past, yearning aloud for a bygone era when students started their school days with prayer and the Pledge of Allegiance. “We’ve lost our way morally,” Huckabee said in Hope, drawing calls of “Amen!” from the audience.

This traditionalist melancholy is a potent tool, tailored for the elderly, white, religious, rural voters who were Huckabee’s loyal viewing demographic at FOX News and who could form the core of his Super Tuesday take. Huckabee is tapping into not just their cultural conservatism, but their disaffection with the direction of the country and a fear of being marginalized in modern America.

“You walk into that room right now, what do you see? Older, white, evangelicals,” says Jacob Waller, a 27-year-old law student who hails from Hope. He isn’t a Huckabee supporter—or even a Republican for that matter—but he came out to the campaign launch because of hometown pride. He said Huckabee’s message, aimed directly at people like his parents and neighbors, can be devastatingly effective. “They want to know that Middle America, their way of life, isn’t being forgotten about.”

Two of those attendees were Roger and Shirlene Reeves, both retirees in their mid-70s who drove more than 200 miles from their hometown of Tilly, Arkansas, to watch Huckabee’s entry into the 2016 race. “He’s a good guy, he’s a pastor, he doesn’t believe in climate change, he doesn’t believe in same-sex marriage,” Roger, a retired construction worker, says when asked why he’ll support Huckabee for president. Shirlene chimes in: “He’s one of us—and we watched him every Saturday night on TV.”

This article appears in the May 16, 2015 edition of National Journal Magazine as Go South, Old Man. It was also published on NationalJournal.com and is reprinted here with permission..

This post originally appeared on Western Journalism – Equipping You With The Truth

Watch: 2016 Republican Candidate Caught On Camera Endorsing One Of His Opponents

A video surfaced that shows 2016 Republican presidential candidate Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Fla., campaigning for his current opponent, former Gov. Mike Huckabee, in 2008.

Allahpundit of Hot Air pointed out last month that Rubio, then speaker of the Florida House of Representatives, backed Huckabee in mid-December of 2007. This was just over one month before the Florida primary.

“This is not your traditional campaign,” Rubio said in the clip, which you can view above.

Quite frankly this has become more like a movement. And we owe it to each of you who by small donations that you’ve made, by the hours that you’ve donated.

From all across the country, people are doing their part to make sure that the next president of the United States is Mike Huckabee.

Rubio’s mentor, former Gov. Jeb Bush (R), was helping Mitt Romney in 2008. Bush is expected to enter the 2016 presidential race in the coming weeks.

“For those of us who consider ourselves to be Reagan conservatives, Mike Huckabee is our best chance to win the nomination,” Rubio said in his endorsement, according to the Herald-Tribune. “People are looking for genuineness and sincerity in politics. He has those qualities as well as the positive leadership skills needed to run our country.”

Allahpundit speculates their “sheer personal likability” factors into why Rubio endorsed his now-opponent nearly eight years ago:

Huckabee’s seen, fairly or not, as a social conservative champion who happens to be conservative-ish on other issues while Rubio’s seen as a “checks all the boxes” conservative who also happens to be a social con. On policy, though, they’re not terribly different.

They’re both hawkish and admired by righties for their passionate pro-life rhetoric. Like Rubio, Huck’s shown some moderation on immigration; like Huck, Rubio’s been accused of being too far towards the center on taxes.

Beyond policy, though, they each have a conspicuous knack for being able to charm voters on the stump. There may be 300 Republicans running for president this year but in terms of sheer personal likability, there’s no contest about who the top two are. That’s Huckabee and Rubio, in whichever order you prefer.

Do you like Mike Huckabee or Marco Rubio? Share your thoughts in the comments section.

This post originally appeared on Western Journalism – Equipping You With The Truth

Watch: This 2016 Candidate Wants To Kick Obama’s ‘Hope’ To The Curb, Replace With Something MUCH Better

In an interview with Western Journalism last week, former Gov. Mike Huckabee of Arkansas said, “lack of moral clarity means you don’t have a standard.” The former Fox News host has been polling well since his presidential announcement.

A Fox News poll conducted last week revealed 36 percent of voters believe Huckabee is “more ethical” than the average politician, followed by Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., at 33 percent.

Huckabee is in fourth place in the polls among GOP hopefuls with 10 percent, trailing Gov. Jeb Bush of Florida and retired pediatric neurosurgeon Ben Carson, who each have 13 percent, and Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, who has 11 percent.

Western Journalism’s Norvell Rose asked Huckabee what it means to have moral clarity on the campaign trail. “To have moral clarity means that you’re consistent,” Huckabee responded.

The Hope, Ark., native shared a lesson from his father, whom he described as “not an educated man, but…a smart man.”

Son always tell the truth. Because when you tell the truth, you don’t have to remember what you said the next time you have to say it.

Moral clarity is when we don’t wake up and have to read the front page of The New York Times or check the latest opinion poll to see what it would be best for us to say or even to believe today.

“We say it because we believe it,” Huckabee added. “We believe it because it comes from deep from within our soul. And our soul is not even formed based on what trend is presently moving, but it’s based on something that is absolute. And I think a lot of people have never thought about the imperative of moral absolutes governing our universe. Without it, everything falls apart.”

Huckabee gave an analogy to sum it all up:

If the carpenter one day decides that a foot is about this long. But the next day, it’s about like this, and the next day it’s like this, the house will fall down, because you have to have standards. Something has to be fixed as a standard in order to be able to always measure against.

Lack of moral clarity means you don’t have a standard. It’s whatever you want it to be on any given day. And a civilization collapses and falls apart when people don’t have moral standards that are based on something bigger than whatever the hot new trend may be.

What do you think of Mike Huckabee? Share your thoughts in the comments section below.

This post originally appeared on Western Journalism – Equipping You With The Truth

Exclusive: Mike Huckabee Tells Us His Favorite Chuck Norris Joke

During a stop in Phoenix, Ariz., on his campaign trial, 2016 presidential contender Mike Huckabee sat down with Western Journalism’s Norvell Rose to discuss a variety of topics, including his friend and supporter Chuck Norris.

When asked what his best Chuck Norris joke is, Huckabee jovially answered, “Chuck Norris doesn’t ask you to vote for Mike Huckabee; he just tells you that you’re going to. And you will.”

“What isn’t a joke,” he continued, “is the love this man has for America. I’ve never seen anybody who is so real, so authentic… This man loves God, he loves his country, he loves those who serve us in uniform…he’s just one of the most remarkable, humble human beings ever.”

Huckabee did quip, though, that while he will tell jokes that include Norris, he would never tell a joke about him, because “He’d take my head off!”

Keeping things light, Rose mentioned the charity fight former Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney announced he will have with Evander Holyfield Friday, asking Huckabee whether he would step into the ring with Norris.

Not missing a beat, Huckabee answered that, after watching the extraordinary amount of money paid out for the Mayweather/Pacquiao fight, if “You put a purse of a hundred million, I’ll step into the ring with anybody. I may not last long, and I may take a dive, but for a hundred million, sign me up.”

This post originally appeared on Western Journalism – Equipping You With The Truth